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1 Trust Houses 

I Forte 


February/March 1976 Number 33 10p 


struggle for freedom there is import¬ 
ant. ' 


The case also shows the right- 
wing bias of the judiciary, and the 
attempts of one section of the bosses 
to overrule through the courts any 
decisions of the Labour Government. 

Silkin represents the social- 
democratic wing of the ruling class, 
who want to maintain a left cover 
for the benefit of progressives and 
radicals, and who desire a liberalis¬ 
ation in South Africa which they 
hope will act as a safety valve against 
deeper and really significant changes 

In the Labour Party itself, Shirley 
Williams leads an attack on the left 

tot, as yet, been a spectacular res¬ 
ponse to rising prices and cutbacks, 
workers around the country have 
been involved in a series of strikes 


Experience and organisation are 
being built up in fights that they are 
fairly certain they can win if they 
show determination. 

TRICO, in West London, for 
example, where women won equal 

Automat, in Swinton, Manchester 
where 25 workers won union recog¬ 
nition after a year of struggle, des¬ 
pite financial support to the boss 
from the NAFF. 

And the strike of Grunwicks 
inWillesden continues for basic 
Trade Union rights, still solid after 
many weeks. (See also Trust Houses 
Forte, in this issue). 

National Association For Free¬ 
dom show how scared the 
ruling class is. 

So scared that parts of its 
right wing is organising for att¬ 
acks on workers. 

NAFF's injunction against the 
Union of Postal Workers not to 
black post to the strike-hit firm of 
Grunwick in North London, follow¬ 
ed up by a similar Injunction as 
regards telegrams and operator con¬ 
nected phone calls to South Africa 
shows this, as does yet another 
obscenely racist speach from Enoch 
Powell in his attempts to get white 
workers at the throats of black 

This right wing, while spouting a 
lot of hot air about freedom, is 
attempting to take away any gains 
hte working class has won in this 
country over the last hundred years. 

Witness Eldon Griffiths. Tory MP 
for Bury St. Edmunds, in a speech 
in which he attacked trade union 
closed shops. 


Witness Airey Neave, Tory spoke¬ 
sman on Northern Ireland, when 
he talked about freedom - that's a 
joke - in Northern Ireland. "The 
Government, despite the miserable 
activities of the Troops Out Move¬ 
ment, must persist in defence of 
that freedom". 

PICKETTING Grunwick s outlets on the Dey of Action, 29th January. The National 

In other words, make sure that 
Catholic and Protestant workers 
remain divided, imprison or kill any 
resistance, and maintain high 

What kind of freedom is it where 
machine gun nests are on almost 
every corner, where Catholics are 
discriminated against in jobs and 
housing and education, and where 
whole neighbourhoods go in fear of 
the British army bully boys? 

And what kind of freedom is it 
at Grunwicks where workers are vic¬ 
timised for attempting to form a 

What kind of freedom is it in 
South Africa where blacks and col¬ 
oureds suffer incredible exploitation 
policed by the vile system of 

Let's be clear where we stand 
over the UPW and the NAFF. Tom 
Jackson isoneof the more right- 
wing union leaders, and the black on 
South Africa post could have been 
referred to the membership. 

Nevertheless, the whole case 
shows ruling class fears over South 

many know already when she openly 
speaks out against socialism and any 
attempt to get the Labour Party 
to adopt socialist measures. 

Anarchist Worker says that any 
such attempts are doomed to failure. 

Socialism cannot be legislated 
through parliament, nor does it mean 
paternalistic state control in hte sup¬ 
posed 'interests' of the working 

The working class alone, by its 
own activity, can build socialism. 

At the same time we should 
attempt to get through to lower 
ranks of the Labour Party, pointing 
out the bankrupsy of the Party and 
how the Labour right wingers are 
attempting to stifle any opposition, 
and how the real fight for socialism 
must be fought outside the Party 
in the workplace and neighbour- 

Waking up 

While the bourgeoisie organises 
its forces, the working class is not 
completely asleep. While there has 

In Sheffield, 25,000 engineering 
workers came out in protest against 
the threatened closure of the Capital 
Tools factory, part of the Edgar 
Allen Balfour group, which would 
put 400 out of work. 

At MagnaVox, in Barking, East 
London, 150 women struck for 
equal pay, and in Greenwich 70 
steelworkers struck over safety at 

In Newham, five women workers 
refused to clear the dangerous subs¬ 
tance asbestos, and came out. Their 
strike has been a long and hard one, 
with little support from their union 

Actions continue up and down 
the country. Slowly workers are 
building up resistance, often against 
the union bureacracy as well as the 

It is very important for long term 
success that a genuine rank and file 
is built, so that nation-wide support 
can be gained for these local strikes 
and serious opposition to the bosses 
attacks can be mounted. 

Editorial Collective. 






2-ANARCHIST WORKER February 1977 




4-ANARCHIST WORKER February 1977 


o^Sf5SS'F rina 

Discrimination in 

" IHs. SSSff 

Victimisation in Oxford 


6-ANARCHIST WORKER February 1977 

National conference 

votes for revolutionary 

Rally against 
sex discrimination 

THE SEX DISCRIMINATION ACT to women any more than 

Gash needed 




ON JANUARY 8, 11,000 pages of High Court summons and Iwflkfr / 

affidavits, were served on the 130'illegal'squatters, both families w 
and single people of Villa Road. 

Villa Road is duefordemol- ri ^ 0 h root Siam 
ition in order to create another joi«Tmaking the hoi 
pile of rubble and corrugated . The council vend! 
iron - officially termed an 'open' ^nan^o^'ied 



it* far ea^Mo^SPUc'and 6 ^ 

SrSlS, curing), 

will be among the first to go Letter: Loup V ER LET-La Course £31 p.w.(rehearsing). Drivers needed. 

The majority of Area Health ou , a vie ( Pub | ish or Live l. Contact: 






April 1 977 Number 34 10p . 

April 1 977 Number 34 10p 



Yet in spite of all this, workers 
are beginning to show a 
determination to fight back. 

and against redundancies workers 
have occupied three Plessey factories 
throughout the country. 

A previous occupation of the 
i Wildt Mellor Bromley factory in 
Leicester was called off after a 
threatened court injunction. This 
pattern is repeated in the smashing 
of the occupation on the Globtik 

throughout colleges and universities 
against cuts face similar thrests, with 
an injunction and the smashing of 
the occupation at the London 
School of Economics. 


right-wingers in NALGO, ‘liberals' 
like LSE principal Dahrendorff, or 
strike-breaking organisations like 
the NAFF. 

Physical dispersal of occupations 


All out! 




56 BRITISH LEYLAIMD workers in Horsepath, Oxford, have been 
out for several weeks - not the most spectacular of the recent 

stoppages but showing just ho’ 
suit the bosses convenience un 
workers side. 

It was customary for the 
parts selectors and other 
workers involved to be given 
a certain number of hours 
overtime in the shape of 
specific jobs. 

If these jobs took less time than 

much rules and.laws are bent to 
sss they are forced to see the 

be twice the amount but they would 
get no more pay. 

So the workers are still out, and 
other sections laid off as a result. 
And here's the other sting: 

Men laid off were asked to do the 
work of the strikers which of course 

expected, the men could leave when 
they were completed without 
clocking off - after all a job is worth 

they refused to do. 

They were then told that meant 
they had refused jobs offered and so 

ititled to supplementary 

But in December the management 
started asking men to start other 
jobs if they finished those allocated 
before the time allowed was up. 

Apart from anything else, this 
would have been depriving other 
workers from their chances of 

When they refused, they lost the 
pay for that afternoon - pay for 

They refused to pay the men for the 
time they were out at the usual 80% 
rate for stoppages where the men 
involved are not 'in the wrong'. 

By agreeing to pay for the after¬ 
noon's work the company had 
tacitly admitted their responsability 
for the stoppage. 


The management is also expecting 
the backlog of orders to be cleared 

fore when they lose time because of 
a dispute in another section. 

The management makes best use 
of the situation playing one section 

them to lump workers in one trade 
group to do them out of SS. 

It seems obvious to suggest trying 

sections involved - until you realise 
management are also calling for this. 

union bureaucracy over the shop 

lal work time - each 10 


I would like to 

s information about the Anarchist Workers' 

£2 or 85 UK and seamail abroad 
£4 or 810 airmail 
£5 or 812 all institutions 

Plepse make all cheques/PO's payable to 'AWA General Fund' 
(abroad IMO'sonly) and send them to: 

AWA. 13 Coltman Street, Hull, Humberside 


Some readers, and certainly other 
members of the public, may say that 
car workers are overpaid already 

This argument would have some 

suggest ways of making assembly 
line work less gruelling, or improving 
apprentices pay so that on the one 
hand workers on the line wouldn't 
need so much to compensate them 
for the noise , strain and often dan¬ 

On the other hand, skilled 
workers didn't have to make up 
training years on low pay. 

But in any case, the car workers 
wages wouldn't be spent on anything 
1 “**“ if they did accept ct ' 

machinery in British Leyland so 

Or on a payment to shareholders. 

They must be the ones getting the 
money from the sale of Rover 3,000 
cars, they couldn't afford them 

Better communications between 
sections, and a realisation that all the 
workers interests are closely 

excused by t 
another and screaming 'differential' 

But the links must be built up 
from rank and file level - for ex 
example the revival of the joint shop 
stewards at Cowley - not imposed 
as part of increasing the smooth 
ining and efficiency, ie exploit¬ 

ation by management. 

After a comparatively quiet time, 
recent events - most notably the 
Longbridge protest against the social 
contract - indicate that car workers 
nay be beginning to see through the 
promises of prosperity resulting 
from greater productivity. 

Most readers of Anarchist Worker 
probably realise that already and 
that increasing the number of motor 
cars doesn't do us much good. 

It is a hopeful sign if car workers 
don't preface wage or other claims 
by saying that their conditions 
should be improved to make the 
production of cars go better, but 
instead imply that there is no point 
at all in making cars if they have to 
make sacrifices and suffer worse pay 


Riot aftermath 


PRISONERS have been harassed and beaten up by-screws and 
solitary confinement has been widespread, following the riot at 
Hull gaol last September (see eye witness account Anarchist 

Worker October '76). 

As early as November 1975, 
organisations outside — PROP 
(prisoners rights movement) 
RAP (radical alternatives to 
prison) and UPAL (up against 
the Law) - knew that condit¬ 
ions in Hull were acute, and 
were leading to confrontation. 

When a prisoner was beaten up in 
the segregation unit, about 100 
prisoners went there and demanded 
to see him. the Governor refused. 

They came across files on each 
of them which showed that all they 
had been told about the authorities 
'working for your good' was false. 

To make their protest public they 
took to the roof and stayed there as 
long as they could. 

When they came down they were 
beaten up and then dispersed to 
other prisons to prevent the true 
story leaking out. 

In 1969, the Home Office 
appointed an inquiry into the 
protests at Parkhurst Prison. The 
findings of the inquiry were never 

On September 16.1976, the 
Home Office announced an inquiry 
into the Hull protest. It's likely to 
go the same way as the Parkhurst 

Already at least 180 prisoners 
have lost many days loss of remission 

Jake Prescott, who was sentenced 
for alleged involvement with the 

Angry Brigade in 1973 received 700 
days loss of remission and 8 months 
loss of privileges, while Blackie 
Saxton got 720 days loss of remiss¬ 
ion and 252 days of lost privileges. 
These are just some of the more 
severe sentences handed out. 

PROP has demanded a public 
inquiry into the Hull prison cond- 

It has just begun producing a 
bi-monthly newspaper called PROP!!) 

It contains 7 prisoners accounts 
of the riots, as well as an obituary 
of the Irish Republican and socialist 

in prison, articles on George 
Jackson and how class society makes 
all prisoners political prisoners. 

Well worth a read - lOp + post¬ 
age or £1 p.a. post free from: 

10 Montrose St„ Hull or 32A Park 
Road, London SW19 2HT, _ 

-but he doesn't pay the bill" 

Movement Against A Monarchy 
c/o 5 Caledonian Rd„ London N1 


On February 25th the bill sponsored by 
Tory MP Benyon was passed at its second 
reading. This Bill, severely restricting legal 

Contact: NAC, 30 Camden Road, 



1 The fight for 

9 workers’power 

I in Spain 

-centre pages 

July 1977 Number 35 10p 

For a workers’ solution to the crisis! 


One of the key areas that we 
felt it important to put a lot of 
work into is the question of the 
'social wage'. That is all the 

country-health, education, 
social security—have been 
secured by working people 
through many hard years of 

Now these services have 
come under vicious and 
widespread attack from the 
employing class. The slump 
forces them to exert pressure 
axe expenditure in the public 

IN MAY the AWA National 
Conference took place. One of 
the most important debates was 
around our experience of the 
last six months in the fight 
against the redundancies and 
cuts in public spending that the 
Social Contract has brought. 

Time and again it was pointed 
out that once working people 
accepted any blame for the 
present cri sis of the private 
profit system then their fight , o< 
against any particular cut in scHbW'i. mwiwis. um-l 
jobs, housing, schools, hospitals 
was hamstrung because they 
were led into an argument about 
what to cut. The experience of 1 
AWA members reaffirmed that 
it was right to take the clear 
stand that working people are 
not responsible for the crisis and 
that we are not going to pay for 







that goes beyond the necessary 
fight for a decent wage. They 
are about the rights that 
working people have fought for 
together - decent housing, 
education, health. It's more 
difficult to get a fight going 
against these social wage cuts 

question of the sort of society 

it it, and how do 

quality of life for working 
people, by the action of working 
people themselves. 

on Ftlu!pAYU^DmexALew 



to the rescue! 

THERE IS probably only one thing that < 

Government and ensure the acceptance of a third phase of wage 
restraint — the Trade Union Bureaucracy. By this I don't just mea 
the full time officials but also the many elected officials at local, 
regional and national level. 

In most unions constitutional machinery exists to consult the 
membership but this may be easily ignored by unwilling officials. 
Only those unions with a clear rule or policy on consultation 
are guaranteed a say although the full-timers can still hamper 
fair consultation by allowing insufficient time or deliberately 
choosing a badly worded proposal. 

THE VIRTUALLY unanimous 
rejection of any continued wage 
controls at'the Brighton confer¬ 
ence of the 650'000 strong 
National Union of Public 
Employees is a clear pointer to 
public sector workers' feelings 
sn the Social Contract. 

They voted 

nndemned pay restraint, demandec 
it of £50, a 35-hour 

Anger was express 
delegates over the dr 
buying power of their wages since 

s uifii 

o rely or 

union, are right-wing Labour, or 
worse, and think that the members 
are of the same persuasion ("After al 
they elected me to represent them." 
and that there is no need to consult 

On the other hand are the "left- 
wing officials, often in the 
Communist Party or the 'Militant' or 
'Tribune' factions of the Labour 
Party. These people tend to have the 
view, developed through years of 
paranoia, that the members are 
reactionary and it is safest not to ask 

schools and hospitals that were goint 
ir to be built? 

Whatever happened to the jobs 
that would be created to reduce the 
number of unemployed? 

, Whatever happened to the 
regeneration of British industry? 
These could have been the sop that 

belief in the existing order of things. 
A sop, of course, that neither social 
democracy nor capitalism could 


ymy^nciui men iinw me ^ ^ _ m ■ 

Denounce CPSA to take action ? 

ctions of workers are 
firmly opposing any extension of 
the contract, denouncing it as a 

is, supposed to have been 
ained. have leapt ahead and 
expenditure on public services such 
as education and health has been 

s now staring working people 
face that the Social Contract i: 
a big lie. Instead of spreading the 
burden of the economic crisis onto 
the shoulders of both bosses and 
workers, as it was claimed it would 

One basic fact has made itself obvious to the leadership of the 
Civil & Public Services Association (CPSA) — that opposition to 
public expenditure cuts can only be successful if the rank and file 
themselves take disciplined, co-ordinated action. A complete lack 
of information, a series of disastrous regional meetings and finally 
the withdrawal of industrial action in the face of management 
threats left even the committed feeling dejected. 


Because of pressure from Branches the union has, however, been 
moving towards joint action with other unions and tentative steps 
are being made towards forming a Public Sector Alliance. But the 
members of all public sector unions, including industrial unions 


Birmingham conference of the Socialist StixUnts Alliance 

Photo Stuart Paul (Socialist Stud < 

Students forge 

APPROXIMATELY 130 student militants from all over the 
country gathered in Birmingham Polytechnic on the weekend of 
April 30th for the first national and founding conference of the 
Socialist Students Alliance. This alliance is based round the 
following objectives: 

1. To fight for unity in the NUS of those forces on the left who want 
to win the mass of students to an alternative socialist perspective to 
that of the present Broad Left leaders and combat the growth of 
right-wing influences amongst students. 

2. To build a mass united NUS linked in action to the mass organ¬ 
isations of the working class and other oppressed people in society. 

3. To base left unity on joint initiatives, in the campaigns around the 
key issues facing students, in the union's national structures and 
conferences and in the electoral field at all levels. 

After a delay due to late arrival of 
participants the conference 
commenced on the Saturday at 

parties such as the National Front and 

the National Party - a threat which 
will continue to grow as the 
capitalists' economic crisis worsens. 

The way forward in this crucial 
fight was through a united front of 
all forces on the left involved in anti¬ 
fascist work and not by sectarian 
attitudes and initiatives. 

On the following day this feeling 
was formulated in a successful motion 
to conference (by comrades in the 
libertarian current) which urged all 
SSA students to work within united 
front anti-fascist committees and to 
take an initiative in their formation 
where no such body exi|ts. 

Broad L eft 

Charles Clarke, this year's outgoing 
National Union of Students President 
gave a short speech on the Broad 
Left's perspective and suggested that 
the SSA should cooperate with this 
grouping of which Clarke is a 
member. For eight years now the 
Broad Left (an alliance between 

the student movement) have 
dominated NUS and the mass of 

Because of their reformist policies 
they have totally failed to mount 
effective defensive campaigns against 
the government's vicious attacks on 

the working class as a whole. 

Indeed they have often acted in a 
counter-productive fashion in order 
to keep a face of 'respectability'. For 
example in last summer's enthusiastic 
upsurge of occupations against 
teacher unemployment they failed in 
their function of coordination by not 
building links with militant teachers 
to demand that the NUT implement 

to 3<r 1X5 icv 0 m tm9 c ass s,zcs 

This measure would have created 
thousands of jobs for unemployed 
teachers. But the Broad Left are 
incapable of taking any action that 
will alienate it from the trade union 

Again this term the NUS Broad 
Left executive refused to mount 
national action against the proposed 

fee increases opting instead for a 
■progressive alliance' with the college 

authorities to pressurise the 


and isolated thousands of student 
activists who have been working 
within their own student unions for 
more militant forms of protest. The 
wider lessons to be learned here are 
that the perspectives of the Labour 
and Communist Parties offer no 
prospect of advance for students or 
the whole working class. 

Clarke's speech to conference was 
cynically received because of its 
revolutionary decorations which do 
not match up with the reformist 
politics the Broad Left have in 

In the Saturday evening session 
interesting discussions arose from 
contributions on the subject of 
working class strategy by shopfloor 
stewards. Again the theme was the 

st taking place wi 
the body of the working class after 
years of apathetic slumber caused by 
the drug of social democracy. 

goods either in providing a sufficient 
and secure material standard of life 
or in creating the conditions necessary 
to allow the emotional fulfillment 
and happiness of the mass of people. 
The break with social democracy, the 
Labour Party an. 

to the class. But the 

; Polytechnic in 

July 1977-5 


What’s wrong 

attended by over 200 delegates 
from health service trade unions, 
from everywhere from Glasgow 
to Portsmouth. 

In the first session Penny Simons 
from Manchester said we all know 
id the big one day 


a threat to their jobs in tii 

Despite the Equal Pay and Sex 

NALGO (The National and Local 

Government Officers Association) down a cash deposit before the 
now has over 600,000 members and meeting, which can be forfeited ; 
is Britain's 4th largest union. Despite the meeting decides. This has bei 
this huge membership, little is known used to deter militants, 
about Nalgo by many other trade In the Derbyshire local government 

unionists and precious little is known branch, after members of the rank and 
about Nalgo's often arcane structures and file Nalgo Action Group had 

te little things people fight or 

and policies by its own rank and file 

Indeed, it is only in very re 

meant anything in Nalgo at all - for 
the union was certainly not founded 
by (or for) the average worker in 
local government. Nalgo is the 
creation of the senior or chief officers 
in Ipcal government. The history of 
the organisation is a history of 
transition - accelerated in the 
present epoch - from professional 


circulate literature on 
in out and out Right 
the NEC elections, tl 

te £5 

deposit after the branch deadwood 
had been wheeled out to defeat the 

At the succeeding AGM, packed 
to the roof with departmental 

trade ur 

To any Nalgo member of even a 
few year's standing the changes have 
been scarcely staggering. It took 
Nalgo nearly 50 years before it felt 
able, after much gibbering about 
"professionalism" and "getting 
involved with politics", to join the 
TUC. Since then, to the accompani¬ 
ment of constant attacks from the 
well organised and vocal Nalgo Right 
Wingers, the union has developed 
organisational forms that begin to 

look lik 

under the headline "The Nalgo 
Revolution". That hope that Nalgo 
was changing fast was premature and 

Nonetheless, Nalgo has groped and 
staggered its way towards becoming 

a major industrial force (if, as yet. 

deposit was increased to £100. There 
are said to be branches where you'd 
have to take out a second mortgage 
to hold a general meeting! 

Nonetheless, the habit of holding 
general meetings is spreading. Along 
with this, has gone the growth of a 
shop steward system. Again, this is 
coming into being in a very patchy 
and often badly organised way - but 
it's there. As with every advance in 
Nalgo’s history, the development of 
shop stewards has been fought by the 
union's vociferous and numerous 
Right Wingers. 

One of the reactionaries who had 
grabbed the most national publicity 
- couresy of the Daily Mail - has 
been former NEC member John 
Fraser who along with other elements 
of the Nalgo old guard, has become 
involved in Colonel "Round up a few 
pickets" Stirling's paramilitary GB75 
i trade union offshoot Truemid 

Id yet develop as a major 

»e April / 

Nalgo is 


ce and white collar unions 
in that it organises both bosses and 
workers (ie., a majority of British 
headmasters are in the NUT) but it _ _ 

probably displays a greater reflection Africa, abortion, 
of this organisational tendency " ’ 

s from members of the 
"Why don't we stop 

I can recall being a member of a 
Nalgo branch where, by tradition, 
the incumbent Town Clerk had been 
elected - unopposed - as branch 
chairman every year of the branch's 

Nalgo is supposed to be about - 

Other speakers described the threats 
to even the most complacent hospitals, 
and what is bring done about it. 

At present, any worker leaving the 
NHS after more than two years is en- 

If they fight themselves, go and 
seek union official support and 
outside support, but rely on their 
own efforts, then the chances are 
they'll win. 

But often.they don't find gut till 
it's too late, or believe management'! 
ass.urances that 'it's only an idea' or 

it up to 

k> late. 

job security. Recently a way to make 
it still more difficult has been 
thought up by Herts hospital 

Women applying for jobs are given 
a pregnancy test - THIS CAN BE 
KNOWLEDGE as part of the normal 
medical examination. If positive she 
won't get the job - the normal 

money they have paid. 

After 1978 this will be abolished if 
under retirement age. The way things 
are going at present, this will be just in 
time for the NHS to collapse without 
costing too much in redundancy pay- 

In West Yorkshire many memb 
only heard of an officially organis 
demo the night before, but over 

In the new giant Charing Cross 
Hospital, workers found that vacancies 
were deliberately being left unfilled so 
that when a nearby small hospital 
closed, the staff could be transferred. 

In this sort of case, less jobs, higher 
workload and loss of facilities to the 
community is accomplished without 
any formal redundancies - unless 
resisted by refusing to cover for 
vacancies or to accept unwanted 

The cuts affect the whole 
community, and so all need to fight 
for the NHS, including industrial 

on the March 9th Clydeside demonst¬ 
ration - despite this several local 
branches took unofficial action but 
the bulk of the 10,000 strong demo 
was mobilised by NUPE and other 

for' obviously aren't good enough if 
it's a woman speaking! 

Immigrants are also being used as 
scapegoats in the government's 
attempts to disguise the real causes 
of unemployment. 

Up to the last couple of years the 
NHS was still advertising abroad for 
foreign workers. 

But now applications for the 
renewal of work permits are being 
refused - workers are threatened 
with the sack for no other reason 
than the colour of their skin or 
country of birth. 

Mobilised, that is by the efforts 
of rank and file militants in the 
unions. The officials can permit 
actions but it's up to us to look for 
i problems, like 

to get qualifications only recognised 
in this country - and are then told 
they C8n't work here, depsite a 
'shortage of nurses' which is blamed 
for empty wards. 

In Brent this policy was success¬ 
fully challenged and a promise of a 


their e 

To save Acton Hospital from 
closure, the NHS joint shop stewards' 
committee took bulletins and collection 
sheets into the factories and addressed 

problems ar 


ilar approach. 

One function of the conference 
s to exchange information on the 
tie things that get peoples' 
e support of many temper up and repalce their 
unions for lob- confidence in labour leaders with 
idence in their own efforts in 


is this year obtained. 

is needed to spread the work and win 
on issues that Drain. Fisher, Jenkins 
and the other TU leaders only talk 


local industrial 

bying the NHS area management 
petitioning, and promising help in any their unions. 
other action by the hospital workers Mfntl 

The Elizabeth Garrett Anderson 
Hospital, kept open under occupation 
since November 15, has been 
supported on the picket line by local 
trades councils and AUEW, T&GWU 
and other local union branches as 
well as by the NHS unions and 
women's groups. 

A message that came across clearly 

orchestrating the o i 
big business and the IMF; individual 

Area Health Authorities can only be 

TIME was described as the single In the long run, there is a more 

most important right. fundamental issue - we must go 

‘ ' for shift workers beyond the defensive, and realise 

when the Vi million 

family respon- even if every cut was restored there 
would still be not enough health 
facilities, not in the right places, in a 
top-heavy organisation. 

The fight against the cuts and for 
better working conditions is also the 
fight against the social contract, the 

s never been terribly 

venerable gents annually assembled 
were prepared to concede to a radical 
candidate was branch representative 
on the Youth Hostels Association. 

at the certain effect among the less politically) central committees and (b) they weri 


It is still the case that, formally at 
any rate, the non-office holding 
ordinary dues paying Joe and Jenny 
Soaps of Nalgo are allowed to attend 
only one general meeting a year - 
the branch AGM. It is here that 
officials are elected and the whole 
affair is conducted with great pomp 
and ceremony. It is hardly surprising 
that on these reverential occasions, 
with their Masonic atmosphere of 
regalia and procedure (the more inane 
branches still insist on the chairman 
wearing ribbons and medals around 
his neck), resolutions on such 
ie matters as wages a 

question of two steps forward, one 
step back. The union has always 
allowed "politics", in the sense of 
corporate observations on public 

mentary lobbying. Which brings us 
to the question of Labour Party 

orally blackmailed by supporter 
the policy, who accused them of 
lining up with the Right to support 
Nalgo's "non-political" trade unionisr 
For the militants of NAG, LP 
affiliation is presently a back number 
However, within the branches, 
especially the big urban ones, it will 
increasingly become an issue. It is 
not something that can easily be 


To a large extent, all that the 
militants of the revolutionary left 

y. The bureaucracy on these 
occasions indecently exposes itself. 

exclusively on 

On this issue, it would well befit 
groups like SWP and AWA to adopt 
positions of "hostile neutrality". 

The Nalgo Action Group is not uiiumuai activities is tu leave uiis 

doing particularly well at the moment, structure ignored and unchanged. 
Nalgo Action News begins increasingly Sometimes the programmes and 

t of Socialist emphases of these "Marxists" begin 

Worker and SWP dominated organi¬ 
sations or fronts such as the Right to 
Work Campaign are uncritically 
s pages. 

Officially, the main rank and file 
radical group in Nalgo - the Nalgo 
Action Group - is committed to 

Labour Party affiliation for the unio... .... _.... __ 

There is a separate campaign for Trotskyists such as the Militant group 

Nalgo affiliation to the Labour Party, and the IMG push LP adherence, is 
: -1 by lay branch t ' 

shioned syndics 
vith Trotsky's spectacles on. 

Long term change in Nalgo - in 
he direction of a more "open" unior 

in membership of the Labour Party 
and which is encouraged by the new 
breed of young Nalgo fulltimers who 
of a political dimension 

young th 

Radicals in Nalgo have attempted 
to extend the avenues of expression 
open to the ordinary member by 
using Nalgo's rule book which clearly practi 
allows for "special" general meetings The pri 
to be called - usually by a stated 
number of signatures by members o 
a requisition. This, however, can be 
a very dangerous procedure. 

Although repeated Nalgo confer- 

of ASTMS for 
indrance to their 
blatant careerism. 

The issue of LP affiliation raise 
massive problems of theory and 

of local government workers gan be 
expected from the move and warn 
the membership as best we can not 
to expect the wondrous results that 
the Labourites will promise (after all,- 
TUC membership has brought, of 

organised group o 
union - at a local level people work 
well without sectarian strife. The 
building of a libertarian presence, with 
a clear programme of action backed wi 
with sound research and theory, rather 
rather tahn a traditional and negative 
"anarchist" grouping, is necessary. 

revolutionary socialism, of ar 



focus on our longe 
building the self co 
■ self organised activ 

undergraduate revolution. Thus, at 
the moment, shop stewards and ofi 
meetings are the thing. 

Disciplined and long term work 

NAG were the International Marxis 
Group. In fairness to the many fine 
militants of the IS/SWP in NAG, it 
has to be siad that they and other 

vote for affiliation or to abstain 
because (a) they were, as in the casr 
of SWP, under orders from their 

is especially important that w 

in the union) — is not readily 
considered by these militants. It is 
vital to learn to work on both fronts. 

ts and Nalgo's fulltimers in 

krmy who seek affiliation to the 
Labour Party and a place in the 
parliamentary sun for Nalgo's 

Revolutionary goals will equally 
not be won by a senseless and 
adventurist lust after ephemeral 
unofficial actions and organisation. 

They will be won by planning, 
and by thinking, and by building rank 
and file groups which, while politics 
will always be integral to their work 
and very much on the agenda, will 
develop in complex and organic 
relationship to the local government 
workforce and will not be Tom 
Tiddler’s ground for the hacks of the 
traditional left. 

Ian S. Sutherland 


ASMS S PR55fCflPfl.ES 

Worker has 
role to play 




Each day that passes intensifies the need for the working class 
to win the battle at Grunwicks film processing factory. As we go 
to press, the strike is entering its 47th week. The Grunwick 
management, which has a long anti-trade union tradition, sacked 
over a 100 striking workers after they joined the union APEX. 

Just as at British Home Stores, 
Trust House Forte and Office Clean¬ 
ing Services, workers have seen how 
they must forever fight anew for 
rights that had been won over cen¬ 
turies of struggle. 

But unlike these other disputes 
this year, Grunwicks has shocked 
the entire trade union movement 
through the involvement of the ultra- 
right and the brutality of the police. 


The upper layers of the trade 
union bureaucracy moved into the 
issue from the start, an unusual event. 
There were two reasons for this. 
Firstly, rank and file outrage at the 
sweatshop conditions and a deter¬ 
mination to reverse the neglect by 
the TU movement of the plight of 
women and black workers. Secondly, 
trade union leaders see this as a test 
of the Labour government. The Arbi¬ 
tration, Concilliation and Advisory 
Service (ACAS) set up by Labour has 
been flagrantly rejected by Grunwick 
boss George Ward. So seriously did 

they take this that Len Murray made 
available TUC funds for APEX to 
carry on with this very expensive dis¬ 
pute. Compare that with the total 
inaction of the TUC st Trust House 
Forte and elsewhere. UPW leader 
Tom Jackson took the unprecedented 
step of selective postal boycott. 

Ward has gone beyond refusing to 
cooperate with ACAS. He is taking 
ACAS to court for upholding the jus¬ 
tice of the workers easel Since the 
days of the Tolpuddle martyrs, trade 
unions have always been victimised 
by the courts. Murray, Grantham and 
other TU leaders know what this 
means for them—there has not been 
so serious a threat to their positions 
since the Industrial Relations Act. 


The ultra-right has chosen Grun¬ 
wicks as the battle ground to strike a 
major blow against the TU move¬ 
ment. The National Association For 
Freedom (so called) stepped in early 
on giving "advice at a price" in the 
words of John Gouriet. NAFF has 


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AWA, 13 Coltman.Street, Hull, Humberside 

been the main force behind the Grun¬ 
wick management. Whereas the 
government has forced the burden of 
the crisis on the working class by 
"soft" methods (the Social Contract), 
the ultra-right want to even "harder" 
measures against the class. To this 
end they are out to smash the unions. 

NAFF has shown its sincerity for 
freedom when it took out a court in¬ 
junction against our UPW comrades 
exercising their right to support the 
strike, when they stopped the boy- 
con of mail to that glorious land of 
freedom South Africa and through 
other countless court cases against 
trade unionists. Supported by free¬ 
dom fighters like reactionary MPs 
Rhodes Boyson and Winston Church- 
hill, Brian Crazier, one-time manager 
of a CIA front organisation, and Vis¬ 
count de L'lsle, who daily exercises 
his freedom to exploit workers, 

NAFF is determined to defeat even 
a "moderate" T. Unionist like 


If the vicious attacks upon the 
Right To Work marchers and the 
frame up of the Lewisham 24 had not 
proven the reactionary role of the 
police force, then the behaviour of 
the police and the notorious Special 
Patrol Group at Grunwicks can leave 



no shred of doubt. The 200 arrests, 
including a passerby and a TV 
cameraman, and the injuries dealt 
show how the determined police 
chiefs are to make the force an effi- 

It is clear from the enthusiasm of 

turned their backs on their own class. 

Merlyn Ree's predictable support 
for the police methods is an indica¬ 
tion to trade unionists that this 
Labour government is more concer¬ 
ned with keeping the police image 
respectable than supporting the most 
basic right of workers. After all, who 
knows when the Labour government 
will need a strike breaking force 
again, as it did against the Glasgow 

Socialists have always said that 
the police and the army are instru¬ 
ments of ruling class power. In the 
case of Grunwicks there is additional 
evidence of physical links between 
police and bosses. Chief Inspector 
Johnson has taken up a job at Grun¬ 
wicks and Robert Mark has been 
recently employed by Viscount de 


Whereas the union bureaucrats 
have backed down in face of the 
opposition, rank and file workers are 
rallying round the strikers. 

When Grantham, scared by the 
power of workers on the street and 
wary to maintain his respectable face 
with the bosses and government, 
called for the picket to be limited to 
500, the strikers' committee replied 
by demanding that the picket be 
stepped up. 

After Jackson backed down from 
the postal boycott, the London Dis¬ 
trict Council of the UPW voted for 
the boycott to be restarted. Despite 
threats from the Post Office and Jack- 
son, that boycott continues. 

The picket has been swelled by 
delegations from wide sections of the 
working class wishing to show their 
solidarity—miners, engineers, doc¬ 
kers, squatters and women's groups. 

The strikers must be supported 
more strongly than ever before. Get 
your union branch to donate to the 

strikers fund. Better still, get a delega¬ 
tion to the picket. Boycott all goods 
to and from the factory. 

The history of workers' struggles 
show, as at Saltley coke depot in 
1972, that peaceful and successful 
pickets are only possible when the 
workers show their real strength. 

With united forces the working 
class can bring Ward and his "hard" 
anti-working class supporters to their 

And with this experience of strug¬ 
gle and the confidence of victory 
that the class has lacked since it 
brought the Tory government down, 
we may turn on the "soft" anti¬ 
working class foreds in the govern- 

Let the slogan at the picket line 
be our watchword: 


Ken Hartwell 


Libertarian Communist Review is 
the theoretical journal of the AWA. 
The second issue, out now, contains 
articles on 

- the role of the revolutionary 


- tracing the development of 
communist thought from primitive 

- a translation from the French on 
Bakunin, one of the founders of the 
anarchist movement, which attempts 
to dispel many misconceptions 
created by both his enemies and 
those who claimed to be his 

— and reviews. 

We regard the appearance of the 
Review as important for the 
development of libertarian 

REVIEW is not intended to be a 
magazine for mass-produced dogma. 
We intend to look at the history and 
theory of the anarchist and libertarian 
communist movement in a critical 
way. We hope to examine the flaws 
and inadequacies in the writings of 
the most noted libertarian socialist 
thinkers, and we intend to conduct a 
critical reappraisal of Marx and 
Marxist thinkers, and of the theory 
and praxis of left communist and 
movements that run parallel with the 

Copies of the LCR are available 
20p + 7p from AWA, 13 Coltman St., 
J-lull. Bulk orders welcome. 

MONARCHY. Box "M", c/o 5 Caledonian 




As profits and shares rise, we demand: 

THE SOCIAL Contract is dead 
but its corpse still stalks the 
trade union movement. 

The most serious danger for the 
movement is fragmentation which 
will pave the way for a massive defeal 
of the working class. 

The threat comes from what is 
Phase III of the social contract in all 
but name-the 10% limit and the 1 2 
month rule. 

At the TUC congress in Blackpool 
in September there were two 
tendencies. Men like Murray, Jones 
and Scanlon, who built the old social 
contract, argued successfully for the 
12 month rule and the 10% limit. 
Their opponents, led by men like 
Clive Jenkins, were really only 
united around one issue, the need to 
return to free collective bargaining 
to restore differentials. The 
right-wing won, largely thanks to 

stir.g the 

' ‘-"'-tm.i* union, tne AUfcW. ior 

the remains of the social contract, 
clearly going against a mandate ffbm 
his own National Committee. 

Already many workers have shown 
their contempt for the rule by 
ignoring it-at Heinz, Nabisco, 
Wilson's Brewery and elsewhere. 

But there are hidden dangers in 
simply rejecting the rule without a 
clear programme of action for the 
movement as a whole, the dangers of 
allowing divisions among workers, in 
particular for those with weaker 
organisation and between public and 
te employees. 


The Social Contract w 
the rank and file on the understanding 
that unemployment would be halted 
and public services would not be cut. 

Instead unemployment has risen to 
over 1.6 million, we've had more cuts 
than under the Tories and real wages 
have fallen by over 10%. 

Despite this, the TUC bureaucrats 
were able to seel phase II on the 
argument that things would have been 
worse otherwise. 

Both times they took the bosses' 
side and blamed the crisis on th» 
workers: high wages eating inti 

id high 


rchist Worker October 76, 
we rejected all such analyses. 

V We said: "The crisis is not confined 
Britain: it is worldwide. 

’"The falling rate of profit is a 
tendency built into the capitalist 

"The capitalists own the machines 
and plants; they hire workers at a 
fraction of the value workers produce 
and so make their profits. 

"A stage is reached where the 
value extracted from the worker is 
not large enough to invest in more 
machines and plants to keep up their 

"This stage is the crisis." 

The crisis is being paid for by the 

Already many major companies 
like Parsons (which has sacked over 
1,800 workers) are announcing 
record profits. 

But the Leyland toolworkers, the 
Heathrow engineers and the rank and 
file of many unions like NUPE have 
made it clear that they are not 
prepared to accept another year of 
wage controls. 

Scared of their own positions, the 
TUC bureaucrats refused a new wage 



over differentials and 

"special cases" do little to help or 

mobilise those sections with less 
fighting experience, or the lowest 
paid or those already on the dole. 

What's more, they may well isolate 
such struggles and permit the bosses 
to alienate them from other workers. 


What we must fight for are 
demands that will unite the entire 
working class. 

We must fight for wages to be 
brought up to 1973 levels, before 
inflation accelerated; we are all hit 
by rises in food, fuel and rent. 

We must fight for a minimum 
national wage for everybody; whether 
employed or not we all have the right 
to a human standard of living. 

We must fight for a cut in the 
working week, with no loss of pay; 
force the bosses to employ more 

We must fight for real rises in 
pensions, disability payments etc. for 
all workers that capitalism throws 
onto the slagheap. 

Most of all we must protect against 
future erosions by fighting for all 
*■ • ' e indexed against inflation. 


The public sector will be a major 
battle ground for the government. 

Just like the 1960's when 
Callaghan was treasurer, the govern¬ 
ment will tightly restrict pay rises 
for public workers. 

At the same time the workload 
still increases as the cuts continue 

The struggle in the public sector 

is more than a struggle for the 
quality of life for all the working 

This struggle will become harder 
with the new policy; more than ever 
before there is a need for an alliance 
in the public sector. 

What we must fight for are joint 
committees uniting rank and file 

workers from many workplaces. 

Already moves have been made 
in this direction by for example 
CLASH (Committee of London Area 
Stewards in the Health service) but 
are limited. 

Links must be built between all 
public sector workers and between 
them and local trade unions and 

community groups. 

Direct works departments must 
build links with tenants and squatters; 
health workers with women groups, 
NAC groups and so on. 

Then we can begin to fight for a 
public service according to workers 
needs rather than capitalists' profits. 

Editorial Collective. 

2-ANARCHiST WORKER October 1977 

Big Flame and IMG propose new organisations 

Left unity initiatives 

ANARCHIST WORKER October 1977-3 

What's in a name... 


IN THE last copy of Anarchist 
Worker we promised to explain 
fully why we were changing our 
name from AWA to Libertarian 
Communist Group. 

Over the last few years, the AWA 
has been going through a number of 

It developed out of traditional 
anarchism, and away from the 
"affinity groups" form of organ¬ 
isation towards something that 
guaranteed the utmost democracy 
whilst being effective at the same 

In England, unlike the continent, 
anarchism has been plagued with 

various forms of liberalism and 

we were attacked as authoritarians, 

And yes, we saw that Marx had 
great historic contributions to make 
to the revolutionary movement, 
although we had our criticisms to 
make of the behaviour of Marx and 
his followers in the First International, 
and the way in which the Marxists 
had quickly collapsed into reformism 
and social democracy (the history of 
German Marxism is a classic example). 

Marxism became identified with 
social democracy, until Lenin and 
Luxemburg moved out of its orbit. 

Yet we saw the need, as Marx and 
Bakunin had done, for a scientific 
analysis of the processes of capitalism, 
for a dialectical materlalist approach. 

failures of syndicalism, in particular 
in Spain. 

We see the failure of anarchists to 
develop a satisfactory form of 
organisation to effectively combat 

Where we do look in history is to 
the actual moments of revolution 
when the class itself became a major 
actor on the stage of social struggle. 
Hungary 56 and May 68 are prime 

And we look to those groups who 
attempted to move forward. The 
Organisational Platform group of 
1926, Camillo Berneri and the 
Friends of Durruti (Spain 1937), the 
Federation Communiste Libertaire 
and the Gruppi Anarchici di Azione 
Proletaria (France and Italy, the 50s) 
the Groupes Anarchistes d'Action 
Revolutionnaire around the journal 
Noir et Rouge (1955-1968). 

The date is 1977. Capitalism has 
advanced and developed: we have 
gained a host of new experiences in 
revoluti onary develo pments since 

The recognition of the working 
class as the key to a revolutionary 
change in society was absent from 

many groups. 

The AWA reaffirmed an allegiance 
to working class revolution. 

It saw that it was necessary to go 
beyond theatrical rhetoric and the 
trumpeting of "revolution now! 
revolution now!" to attempting to 
organise thoughtfully and effectively 
so that that revolution could be 

The AWA/LCG is still attempting 
to show ways in which the working 
class can mobilise around demands 
that will strengthen it and prepare 
for the taking of power as a class. 

This requires much work and 

This process is not complete inside 
the organisation, and we know we 
have a long way to go, but we hope 
and feel we can achieve greater 
political clarity. Our policies around 
united front work and the public 
sector alliance are examples of this. 

Along with other groups on the 
continent, who began to describe 
themselves as libertarian communist, 
we saw the way in which traditional 
anarchism had fossilised, had become 
yet another 'religion' like the other 
ossified ‘religions' of the left. 

Traditional anarchism refused to 
look at the modern world, developed 
its own list of saints of whom it was 
anathema to criticise in however mild 

It acquired a Pavlovian reaction to 
any discussion about the merits of 
aspects of other currents of socialism. 

Half Marx 

When we, and our comrades in 
Europe, began to talk about the need 
for a transitional period between the 
first day of the revolution and full 
communism, when we began to talk 
about workers' power or an anti¬ 
statist dictatorship of the proletariat. 

in the theory and practice of social ists 

outside the anarchist movement, like 
Luxemburg, Pannekoek, Korsch. and 

Does all this mean we are moving 
away from a commitment to workers' 
self-management, to direct action, to 
autonomous working class 
revolution? Are we becoming 

No. Our commitment to these 
principles is just as strong. 

Whilst we see that on many 
occasions in history-the Russian 
revolution, the German revolution, 
the Spanish revolution, the labour 
movement in France, Italy and 
Bulgaria, and the anti-fascist 
resistance there, anarchists and 
anarcho-synicalists were often the 
most devoted and courageous of 

inspiration to many, we see too the 

We must move forward out of the 
mausoleums and cemeteries where 
the bleached bones of sectarianism 
and the mummified corpses of 
ideology lie. 


We define ourselves as libertarian 
communists and we seek links with 
those abroad who share our 
perspectives in order to build an 

Our approach to other groups will 

principled discussion, feeling that a 
genuine affirmation of effective 
organisation, self-management of 
struggle and society are more 
important than labels. 

The Liberation of the Working 
Class is The Task of the Working 
Class Itself. 

Editorial Collective 


luw WAvjfco, primitive worn 
conditions, an autocratic boss who 
pushes his workers around and 
doesn't like unions. Sounds familiar 
doesn't it? No, this isn't Grunwicks, 
but Radford Electronics, a small 
engineering firm in Bristol. 

Pay there is Very low, with 
engineers taking home as little as 
£21 or £28 a week, and women 
earning 80 pence an hour before 
deducations. There are no fire 
alarms or extinguishers, and heating, 
ventilation and safety are all bad. 

The dispute blew up over the 
rights of engineers to go on day 
release courses. Arthur Radford, the 
managing director, wouldn't pay the 
workers' tuition fees, or for the time 
they spent there, and finally stopped 
the workers going altogether. 

This was the last straw. Some 
workers joined AUEW-TASS. Radford 
refused to recognise the union and 

then sacked two men. Now ten 
workers are out on strike. Radford 
obviously thinks he's still in control. 
He told strikers picketing the factory 
"I’m going to stop you boys from 
ever getting a good job ... I've done 
it before to other people that I didn't 

that he can't behave as he has in the 
past. Though the strikers have as yet 
failed to get the support of the women 
workers, who understandably need the 
money, but support from the union 
and Bristol Trades Council has been 
good. Picketing, blacking and 
financial support will win this dispute. 

To help, contact Dave Yeomans 
(AUEW-TASS full-timer) Room 5, 

2nd floor. York House, Bond St., 

With acknowledgement to 
"Bristol Voice". 

i-ANARCHIST WORKER October 1977 


against the 


t Anarchist Worker talks 
to anti-racist militant 

racist activities that usually get 
reported in the Left press are 
counter-demos against the 
National Front. Anti-fascist 
work also involves more than 

Anarchist Worker: Do you think 
counter-demos are of any use? 

Keith Harris: The proof of the puddi: 
pudding is in the eating. Fewer N.F. 
turned up than we had expected on 
April 23. It fa vital that Fascists are 
not allowed to openly provoke 
national minorities. 

A counter-demo is one way for 
the working-class, black and white, 
to show its determination to prevent 
such provocation. 

What tactics should be used in the 

The tactics must fit the circum¬ 
stances, but basically the aim must 
be to prevent the fascists from 

It is not enough to hold a 
"demonstration against racism", as 
the Trades Council did at Stechford,- 
over a mile away from the racists I 

The right tactic was shown by the 
larger number of people who 
prevented the racists from marching 
into the areas of Stechford where the 
blacks live. 

Some of those who took part in 
the April 23 counter-demo. Labour 
councillors and such, were more 
interested in making fine vote-winng 
winning speeches against racialism 
than in stopping the Front. 

In fact the Labour Council has a 
t housing policy and has 
recently white-washed a report which 
only proved what Black youth have 
, that Haringey police 

Anarchist Worker spoke to 
Keith Harris, a member of 
Haringey Campaign Against 
Racism, one of the groups that 
originally set up the 23 April 

harass black youth. 

Do you not believe in unity of the 
Left on such issues? 

Being Left is not what you call your¬ 
self, it's what you do. The people 
who call for most unity on the left 
are usually those who either do fuck- 
all or what they do is so much of a 
compromise to the right that they 
have to cover themselves by calling 
the others, who take the working- 
class line, splitters. 

There are real dangers in Popular 
Fronts, that is, an alliance of working- 
class politics with wishy-washy social 
democratic and liberal politics. 

First, such people are not usually 
committed to stopping the Front, and 
may, if they are stewards, try and 
prevent such action. 

Second, they'll barrage you with 
such platitudes as "we can all live 
together", "one race-the human 
race" etc. Working-class politics is 
quite clear on this point—racism is 
not a failure of races to integrate, but 
a product of capitalism. The nation¬ 
state exists to look after the interests 
of national capitalists. In a crisis, the 
capitalists see a national solution. 

Fascism is one such solution, a 
very extreme one. But another 
example is precisely what the Labour 
Government is doing; it was Labour 
that introduced the 1967 Immigration 


Single copies 5p + post from A WA. 
c/o 136 Kingsland High Street, London ES. Bulk orders welcome. 

6-ANARCHIST WORKER October 1977 


Upsurge in Spain 

THE revival of the Confederacion j n Asturia, Proudhonian tendencies; 


Nacional de Trabajo (legalised 
the 4th of May- 40,000 strong 
at that time) is indicative not 
only of the strength of the 
libertarian movement in Spain 
but also of a real new non-party, 
non-aligned movement in favour 
of workers self-organisation. 

The CNT gains credibility 
through its practice of 
supporting struggles 
unconditionally and with no 
strings attached, and through its 
call for the destruction of the 
Francoist union structure, its 
refusal to indulge in class 
collaboration and its proposals 
for workers self-organisation at 
grass roots level. 

It is becoming the main 
opposition to reformism and the 
spearhead of the anti-capitalist 

From what was seen at meetings 
in Barcelona the CNT has a large 
percentage of young militants 
(20-30 years old) a great number of 

particular outlook-not altogether 
without problems. 

At the moment an important 
discussion is going on in the CNT 
between several tendencies, often on 

This has not affected the growing 

support of workers b. 

if the contradictions 


In the main there are 3 tendencies 

1) The Anarchists-made up of the 
Federacion Anarquista Iberica 
(traditional anarchists, Frente 
Libertario, a more radical group 
around an exile paper of the same 
name in France, anarcho-syndicalists 
and the tendency which has grown 
out of the ideas of 1968 in France, 
generally anti-syndicalist and 

2) Libertarian communists and the 
tendency for workers autonomy in 

31 The reformist syndicalists. 

In Catalonia for example 
antagonism had reached such a point 
'dinary general 

in Andalucia, libertarian communist 

Valencia trotskyist tendencies have 
entered the union. 

In fact there are people from all 
sorts of traditions-ex-members of 
the Communist and Socialist Parties, 
and the Trotskyist LCR, 
ex-phalangists, Christians, council 
communists, which creates enormous 
problems and an atmosphere of 

this "The fact is, that despite its 
growth, the CNT has not yet got a 
big working class base, it has not yet 
defined an alternative trade union 
strategy, to the establishment or to 
the left. It is in this context that we 
are struggling for a CNT that is able 
to respond to the revolutionary 
demands of the workers. For this it 
must overcome the'immediate 
problem, that the militants fight 
more on an organisational level than 
on base level, where spontaneous 
demands need the support of a class- 
based organisation which will deal 
with them as they stand without 
embroiling them in the infighting of 
tendencies which rivals the 
reformist parties." 

The Spanish situation shows us 
that a union organisation that is a real 
weapon of struggle, but in a wider 
form than in the anarcho-syndicalist 
tradition from which it has sprung 

The CNT must be independent of 
all the political tendencies, libertarian 
included, and must be open to all 
groupings of autonomous workers. 
The anarchists must have their own 
specific organisation, as well as the 
young libertarians. 

In Spain, the libertarian 
communists are syndicalists only in 
**■ they believe that the 

25,000 people. Photo: Front Libertaire 


ench president Giscard 
d'Estaing gave his Cabinet 
Ministers strict instructions 

photographers are around. 
The reason—the French people 
are undergoing a period of 

ly Minister Raymond 

He's obviously been having a 
swell time while forcing 
workers to cut back on 

CNT is 

practice as far as workers ^ 

self-organisation is concerned, and 

another organisation. 

They work within the CNT in 
order to advance the struggle in this 
context, to oppose bourgeois 
influence and reformist influence, 
and to promote the discussion on all 

general secretary and the regional 
committee resigned, forcing 
re-elections. Nevertheless, the 
ever-growing Catalan CNT is the 
most important in Spain. 

In the Basque country 
collaboration with the local union 
(LAB) and some separatists could 
give the Euskadi CNT a short life. 

In the regional developments can 
be found ideological tendencies 
which illustrate the complexity of 
the Spanish situation even within the 

In Central Spain the dominant 
tendencies are FAIist and syndicalist 

Communista Libertario dissolved 
itself into the CNT last year which 
was a mistake. The MCL is now 
reconstituting itself, realising the 
need for a nationally coordinated 
organisation which can act effectively 
both inside the CNT and within the 
broader social and political struggle. 
The launching of a national paper 
will, it is hoped, widen the debate 
between libertarian communists and 
within the CNT. 

Information from Front Libertaire, 
the paper of the Organisation 
Communiste Libertaire (France). 


Anarchists in the Spanish Revolution 
- Jose Peirats, Black and Red 
Paperback, 400p. £2.95. 

Jose Peirats was an active member of 
the Confederacion Nacional del 
Trabajo, the anarcho-syndicalist union 
that at times commanded the 
allegiance of masses of workers. For 
some years he was Secretary General 
of the CNT in exile. 

This book printed for the first time 

Peirats and the past 

insurrection was lost in the cities, the 
villages were written off. We never 
thought that we would have to 
prepare for civil war by organising 
support bases for guerilla actions in 
the countryside and the mountains, 
and by developing supply systems 
for such activities and training select 
troops as guerillas. With its tortuous 
geography Spain is a good terrain for 
guerilla warfare, and a well organised 
guerilla force would have defeated 
soldiers trained for a war < 


revolutionary r 

It gives in some detail the growth 
of the Spanish libertarian movement 
from the last decades of the 19th 
century up to the Civil War and 
Revolution. It chronicles the various 
important labour disputes the CNT 
was involved in. 

Unfortunately, Peirats has not 
learnt enough from his own 
experience and that of the CNT as a 
whole during the Spanish Revolution. 


"The Spanish Anarchists suffered 
from an excessively urban orientation 
in their revolutionary or rather, 
insurrectionary, plans. If the 


honest enough in his 

the CNT, between the more 
'reformist' elements and the 
principled revolutionaries of the 

■my itself used guerilla warfare and 
the Vietnamese and the Palestinians 
are still using it. Guerilla organisation 
could have saved the Noyth from 
Franco. Our trench warfare was a 
gift that we made to Franco.. . The 
war of fronts led the CNT into the 
mire of political collaboration and to 
give up our past without any kind of 
recompense, since the more we 
surrendered as we collaborated, the 
more was demanded of us " 



ON THE weekend of Sept 10th and 
11th two pickets were held in 
London to protest against the 
maltreatment of anarchists in 
Bulgaria. The picket on Saturday 
was held outside the offices of the 
Bulgarian Tourist Board in Regent 
St, the one on Sunday outside the 
Bulgarian Embassy near Gloucester 

Bulgaria is one of the most 
Stalinist of the states of Eastern 
Europe. Its foreign policy is totally 
subservient to the Kremlin, and there 
is very little internal democracy. This 

the Red Army moved in at the end of 
the Second World War. They took 
over the workers councils and 
soldiers militias which the Bulgarians 
had formed in their struggle against 

the fascist clique which had led them 
into war on the side of Germany. 
Stalin's Red Army ushered in the 
government of the Fatherland Front. 
This government suppressed all the 
opposition currents which had briefly 
flourished in the struggle against the 
country's old fascist leaders. 

Since the war the political history 
of Bulgaria is one of unswerving 
allegiance to the Kremlin, and the 
continued persecution of dissidents 
inside the country. 

Christo Kolev, a leading militant 
of the Bulgarian Anarcho-Communist 
Movement, has spent 11 years in gaol 
for his attacks on the bureaucracy 
and his anarchist beliefs. A group of 
libertarian students were imprisoned 
in 1969 for distributing a pamphlet 
attacking the regime. More recently. 

distributing copies of the 
Czechoslovak Charter 77. 

The pickets were organised by the 
Social Revolution group, and 
attended by members of most 
libertarian groups i.e. Solidarity, 
Social Revolution, AWA and 
'Provisional' AWA. 

It was a pity that Social 
Revolution did not seek the support 
of anyone beyond the confines of 
the 'libertarian' left, and also that 
this seems to have been a one-off 
event. However, they say that they 
intend the pickets to be "part of an 
on-going campaign against the 
repression of libertarians 
world-wide." If you’re interested, 
contact T. Liddle, 83 Gregory 
Crescent, SE9 5RZ. 


Peirats attempts to make excuses 
for the failure of the CNT and the 
anarchist organisation, the Federacioi 
Anarquista Iberica, by pointing to 
the work of the regular militants. 

Now the work of these militants 
was very important, especially the 
ongoing tasks of collectivisation (see 
Sam Dolgoff, The Anarchist 
Collectives, Gaston Leval, Collectives 
in the Spanish Revolution). It does 
not go far enough, however, to 
absolve the CNT-FAI leadership in 
their collaboration with the govern¬ 
ment and the betrayal of the 
working class in Barcelona (see last 


outs (Camillo Berneri, the Libertarian 
Youth, Friends of Durruti). 

The last group Peirats dismisses 
with the comment that it never had 
"the importance ascribed to it by 
some foreign historians. The relative 
unimportance of its members (what 
does this mean, that they weren't 
part of the 'leadership'?), POUM 
participation, and the Marxist flavour 
of some of its communiques all 
served to dilute the real influence of 
the Friends of Durruti". 

By 'Marxist' language, Peirats 

pation in the gover 
Madrid and Catalonia. 

He is critical of the way in which 
democracy began to disappear inside 
the libertarian movement, but because 
he stands in the centre, halfway 
between the collaborationists and 
those who wanted to deepen the 
revolution, he is unable to come up 
with any satisfactory explanations 

Peirats is able to see that the CNT 

simplistic propaganda to the masses. 

"Anarchism is largely responsible 
for its own bad reputation in the 
world. It did not consider the 
thorny problems of means and ends. 

In their writings, many anarchists 
conceived of a miraculous solution 
to the problem of revolution. We 
fell easily into the trap in Spain. We 
believed that "once the dog is dead 
the rabies is over". We proclaimed a 
full-blown revolution without 
worrying about the many complex 
problems that a revolution brings 
with it" 


Hopefully now that the Spanish 
libertarian movement is re-emerging 
with a vengeance the mistakes of the 

Peirats was able to prophesy the 
renaissance of libertarian socialism 
(he wrote a postscript in 1976) and 
ends with a note of hope. 

"A promising new stage is opening 
up to anarchism in Spain. The old 
militants, still ready for the struggle, 
are contemplating former successes 
and failures: the young, having 
recently entered the arena, are 
supplementing inexperience with 
their devastating dynamism and 
superior intellectual preparation. The 
revitalisation of anarchism in the 
Iberian Peninsula may herald an 
anarchist renaissance in Europe and 

mms s 

■ mms. 

!SSs : .ssi?ss-.E SkSSJ? 'saassRsaKS rggaasga.a 

Cough up 




A YEAR has now passed since the workers at Grunwicks first struck 
against their reactionary, anti-union employer, George Ward, over 
conditions and the issue of union recognition. 

The struggle continues, though since the decline in the size and 
combativeness of the daily picket the bourgeois press have been 
paying the affair much less attention. 

No poor suffering members of the Special Patrol Group to 
present as victims, so less coverage, perhaps? 

, The Government s plan to defuse for their support. All supplies and 
the situation by its use of Lord Justice services to the factory will have to be 

Scarman's 'Court of Enquiry' seems to 
be at the end of its usefulness. 
Contrary to what some of even the 
Left press has said, the report only 
came out very indirectly in favour of 
the strikers. 


The report condemns mass 
picketing, and points the way for the 
Government to tighten up the law on 

It recommends re-instatement, and 
if that's ‘not possible', compensation 
for the strikers. In effect Scarman has 
approved of Ward taking on scab 
labour to replace the strikers, and said 
that the scabs' jobs now have a higher 
priority than those of the workers 
they were brought in to replace. 

Even though the report says that 
Union representation at the factory 
would be 'a good thing', it at no 
point makes any clear recommend¬ 
ation on it. 

Of course, the Court of Enquiry 
was a Government manoeuvre from 
the start. It has no power to enforce 
its report. Ward has said in the past 
that he would rather close the factory 
than take any of the strikers back. He 
and his advisers from the 'New Right', 
the National Association For 
Freedom, have said that they won't 
be bound by the decisions of the 
Court of Enquiry, but only by the 
Law Courts, and it looks as if the 
legal battle between Ward and the 
Government's Advisory, Conciliation 
and Arbitration Service will go to the 
House of Lords and take ages. 


Of course the militant Strike 
Committee and the union involved, 
APEX, want a speedy end to the 
dispute. If Ward refuses to accept the 
Scarman report, or refuses to nego¬ 
tiate at all, then all the resources of 
the labour movement will have to be 
mobilised. The Trades Union Congress 
will be told of the situation and asked 

shut off, and mass picketing used to 
close the factory. 

However, things probably won't 
be as simple as that. The strike 
committee are more militant than the 
Union, as you'd expect, and are not 
so prepared to be sidetracked into 
meaningless negotiations. It is their 
directions as to how to carry the 
dispute forward that we should pay 
attention to, not those of the APEX 

Ward has not got the support of 
most capitalists, who prefer less 
explosive labour relations. If he wins 
this dispute it'll give a great boost to 
the Right throughout the country. 
Indeed, even if he loses, one thing 
that will have come out of the dispute 
is the apparent ease with which scab 
labour can be recruited, from among 
the same layer of people as make up 
the majority of the strikers. 


If we win this strike it’ll open up 
the way forward for those very same 

layers of workers. The majority of 
the Grunwick strikers are Asian 
women who are getting dreadful 
wages and working in dreadful 
conditions. Many workers in similar 
situations will take heart from their 

Of course, we're not uncritical 
of Trades Unions, because of their 
reformism and lack of democracy, 
but anyone looking at Grunwicks 
can see that in such a situation a 
union is an essential help, and 
unionisation is a progressive demand. 

Supporters of Anarchist Worker 
are urged to do all they can to help 
win this dispute. Raise the issue in 
your union, send donations to the 
strike committee, above all if you can, 
join the picket and any mass action 
that may occur. Let's make the 
slogan a reality: 


Billy Williams. 



* STOP^ 

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^gttOP WuWNKXl! 

stop wr $u * r 

NAFF! Zn "AT tfcft 
ci/r—S-et/t C* 
[hFFNOWl[ ^QFF no j0f 





!*##%» • 

Grunwick picket at first day of TUC conferanca-dalegatas angarad the strikers by passing a vague resolution. Photo: Andrew Wiard 

The shape of things to come P 

SIR Keith Joseph, millionaire 
reactionary Tory politician, recently 
sused rather a furore by condemning 
he Scarman Report on the Grunwick 

The question immediately asked 
by even the reacionary press was 
Does he speak for the Tory party, 
re they all set for another dash with 
the unions?" 

fell, a speech by James Prior, 
Shadow Employment Minister, 
fairly soon made it clear that the 
official Shadow Cabinet line was less 
overtly anti-union, and that Sir 

had social contacts with NAFF 
members and their groups. 

We know that the ideas of such 
people as Joseph and Moss do 
influence the Tories. I think that 
Joseph in his remarks was just 
keeping his supporters aware of his 
existence, and undoubtedly he does 
appeal to the sort of people who 
read the Daily Mail or Express, the 
reactionary petit-bourgeoisie. 


Maggie Thatcher is pretty reactionary 
even for the Tory party, the most 
right-wing leader they've had for 
s, and she regards Sir Keith as a 



Relations Act in 1971 ai 
Miners Strike in 1974. However, 
though Thatcher is definitely 
committed to the idea of the strong 
state, to fighting for the 
reestablishment of reactionary 
cultural and social ideas, she may 

We've got to worry about such 
things because it's a very real 
possibility that the Tories will win 
the next election. Even if there is 
some kind of minor economic 
recovery in the next six months or 
so, and even if the benefits of that 
are passed on quickly to the voters 
in tax concessions etc., it's difficult 
to see Labour voters turning out in 
vast numbers to re-elect the most 
consistently anti-working class 
Labour government in history. 

So, whay kind of Tory 
government would Thatcher lead? 

We know that Robert Moss, a leading 
light of the NAFF has written 
speeches for her, and that she has 

have learnt some of the lessons of 
Heath's period in power. 

I think that she will keep Sir 
Keith and co. under control certainly 
until after the next election, and 
probably away from sensitive 
ministries such as Employment when 

Nevertheless we must be prepared 
to face a vicious attack on 
working-class living standards if the 
Tories do come in. In particular, any 
Tory government would almost 
certainly launch an attack on the 
'social wage' i.e. the provision of 
such things as education, housing, 

means a certainty. But if it comes we ~ 
must be ready to fight. Sir Keith 
Joseph's support for George Ward is 
only one hint of the kind of 
conditions that might prevail in the 
struggle in a year's time. 




For further info contact York Free 
Press at 1 Newton Terrace, York, Yorks. 
Telephone York 37188. 

JUST OUT: "Campaign against 
Racism and Fascism, CARF" 

12 page bi-monthly anti-racist, 
anti-fascist paper for use in the fight 
against racism and fascism. Price lOp. 
Obtainable from most progressive 
bookshops, or from the Anti-Racist, 
Anti-Fascist Co-ordinating 
Committee, Flat 3, 5 Huntley St. 
London W.C.1. 

Libertarian Spain. Bulletin of the 
Libertarian Spain Committee, 20 
pages of information on the situation 
in Spain, with illustrations. 20p inc. 
postage, bundles 5 for £1 cwo, from 
LSC, 136 Burley Rd, Leeds 4. No.1 
carries info on the rebirth of the 
CNT, the June elections, economic 
id political background. 


MONARCHY'S message to 
anti-monarchists around the country 
is "Keep on knocking"! The response 
to our stickers has been tremendous, 
we've barely been able to keep pace 
with the demand. 

We're producing a badge-selling 
at 15p— with the slogan "We 
won't stand for the National 

Movement Against A Monarchy 
Box M, c/o 5 Caledonian Road, 
London N1. 


Dublin hang ings 


Saturday July 24th 10am 

donations ESSENTIAL ! 

Show Trial and 

Torture in Dublin 

TWO ANARCHISTS - Marie and Noel Murray - were 
condemned to death without a proper trial in Dublin last 

Government to hang them, marked the' hlgh^im of two 
years of violent repression by the Eire state. 

,. S ' nce the passing of the Offences Against the State 
HZZ n ,f men , u Cf * W0 years a ®°* s,ate repression has been 
escalating at a horrifying rate. 

Today, torture, phone tapping and the use of troops to 

R*pu b r ,or s,r,kes is a normai part ° f p ° iiticai ,ifa ™ tha 

There is nothing subtle or undercover about the 
repression: politicians of the three main political parties all 
proudly proclaim their intention to take a "tough line" on 
the question of law and order. 

LAW- ___ 

Proven ignorant 0n ^ ^ tha * ® de,endent is guilty until 
For example, a senior police officer need only state 
that a person is in the IRA and their conviction becomes a 
foregone conclusion. 5 3 

service in the legal profession OR the army. 

Heresay and uncorroborated statements are more than 
ample for securing a conviction. 

In short, the function of the court is to get the -trial’ 
over as quickly as possible and with the minimum of fuss. 

th ' S <y/M! of Kan 9 ero ° Court which was used to 
rame the Murrays and will be used against Ronan Stenson... 
it he ever recovers. 


Order is administered by police thugs - the Gardai - 
W ° a | C !.l n ,n he basls of klck first and ask questions later', 
lifted nff Ih V nV °- ne u Ca , n be dragaed from their bed, or 
lifted off the street to help the police with their enquiries'. 

They can be held without charge for up to 72 hours — 
and immediately rearrested after that period expires. 

Beatings and torture are the rule rather than the 
without 0 ?. these cases - and detainees are frequently kept 
without food, water or sleep for hours, even days on end 

killing t a'Zan CePted ^ P ° //ce wouU 90 to the extent of 

The decision to hang Noel and Marie Murray comes as 
hanghiTbiEbc 6 f T eSCa ' atin9 re P re «'°n; it will be the first 



This Anarchist Worker Special 

on the Murrays was produced 
collectively by people from 
Bradford, Dublin, Glasgow and 
London who are members of 
their local Murray Defence 
Committees. Support in the form 
of money is especially welcome- 
you can send it either to your 
dearest Defence Committee or 

direct to us and we will make 
sure it goes where there is the 
biggest need. EVERY PENNY 
COUNTS.... Please send 
contributions to: AWA, c/o 
136 Kingsland High Street, 
London E8 2NS, making all 
cheques/PO's payable to 
'AWA General Fund'. 




thwarted the establishment of a 
Of course, politically motive 
adventurist section of the anarc 
administered across the whole 



He had been 
time, however, bi 

(tremely agitated and showing cris 
oset of panic proportions". 

His barrister informs us that Rone 

beatings, them; ! 

The 'i 

psychological intin .. 

'longkesh' style techniques. 

One citizen who 'helped the police 

bruised ribs; another was hospitalised 
Independent medical reports have 


Marie were interrogated 
s before they 'broke', 
se of the 'interrogation' 

made a statement to 
e know, the beatings 



THERE can be no doubt that member of a 
this was a political trial - union or whai 
whether the Murrays are 'guilty' a telegram to: 

loney by contacting one 
Murray Defence C 

Apparently, no Irishman would 
do the bloody deed. 

The trial went along its predestined 
course and after six weeks Noel and 
guilty and 


They v 

ifused the right t< 

THERE can be no doubt that 
the passing of the death sentence 
on the Murrays is an obvious 
political move by the Irish 

They were known as anarchists • 
and Noel had previously jumped bail 
when charged with the possession of 
arms and explosives in connection 

As examples of this is the arrest 
d torture of the entire Dublin 
imbership of the Irish Republican 
cialist Party and the continuous 

aeing offered a 


I At the same time as condemn 
inhuman treatment of Marie at 
the hands of the State the . 

be seriously considered. 

2 We believe that ’heroic’ acts of isolated individuals 
can only be counterproductive and a diversion 
from the real^ task of building a credible and 

active, consciously libertarian, working class. 

3 The reasons for this stance are twofold: 

a) Individual acts of terrorism are adventurist and 

politicise working people - rather they create a 

gulf between working people and revolutionary 
politics, leading to impotence through lack of mass 

b) Exploiting this rift the State can justify - of ten 
'support - the introduction of 

. allow 

i police 
h the das: 

4 The AW A believes that violence aimed at the 
overthrow of the State can only arise within the 
context of a mass-based revolutionary struggle. 
The need to defend revolutionary gains from 
assaults by the dispossessed capitalist class will 
then he widely understood and applied by the 

Army has been used to break major 
strikes in power and transport. 

The majority of unemployed 
youth are denied any dole money 
and the refusal to end the.jpti-divorce 
and anti-contraception laws are 
further examples. 

The main reason for the 
intensification of legal measures is 
the worldwide economic crisis. 

that there is nowhere to go 
The authorities fully ri 

including a failure to break away 
from the traditiona 1 military method 
of organisation and activity. 

The best example of this is the 
Provisional IRA whose bombing 
campaign has not only alienated the 
working class but has antagonised 

What else can be expected when 
everybody is expected to sit back 

the struggle for them? 

The very people they need on 

bombed and shot at: accidents are 
their tactics only play into the hands 

Also, the state is given the excuse 
to hide their economic policies under 
the black cloak of pursuing 'violent 

the back door. 

For example, internment would 

campaign ol 
While the 

forced them into isolation from the 

state a ready-made excuse to 
witch-hunt anarchists. 

However, their political and